Bhasin:"Situation on the Ground" or Political Convenience?
Thoughts on a US Withdrawal from Iraq
Madhavi Bhasin writes in an IC Guest Editorial:
Is it really so? Is the U.S. presence in Iraq contingent upon the objective assessment of the security situation in the country? Will the U.S. forces leave only when the security situation improves? Will the U.S. forces ever leave the Iraqi territory? Every analyst of international politics is anticipating the timing and modicum of the U.S. withdrawal strategy. But given the record of U.S. involvement in such conflicts, the answer seems barely intriguing; the U.S. will withdraw when it suits them, when it is politically convenient for them, when they desire to change their land of adventures.
The subtle movement of U.S. policy indicates that considerable number of forces will withdraw from Iraq soon, sometime next year. If Senator John McCain is elected the next U.S. President, the troops will withdraw to demonstrate the success of the Republican Party’s ‘surge’ strategy. If Barack Obama happens to the next President, he will withdraw forces to demonstrate the credibility of his election promises. A movement towards that end has already been initiated and will be completely unrelated to the ‘situation on the ground’.
It was assumed (even by me) that Iraqi Prime Minister Maliki’s call for a withdrawal timetable was the assertion of Iraqi sovereignty. But it is difficult to expect that kind of public display of independence by a P.M. whose political existence has been craved out by the U.S. It is more appropriate to consider that the U.S. wanted to withdraw irrespective of the security situation in Iraq and hence the entire public drama was staged. Now the U.S. is equipped with a stronger argument of respecting the demands of the Iraqi P.M. who has demanded a timetable for withdrawal of foreign troops. And this will gradually be floated for popular consumption. The reconciliation between the Shia and Sunni political factions in Iraq could possibly have been facilitated by the U.S. behind the scenes to project the image of Iraq moving towards political stability. An image that suits the U.S. withdrawal strategy; a strategy which is gradually unfolding.
The differences over the Status of Force Agreement are another issue being published for justifying the troop withdrawal in the prospective U.S. strategy. The Iraqi Government and U.S. forces are expected to enter into a temporary agreement after the current agreement expires in December 2008. The U.S. is shunning any agreed long term commitments and can very diplomatically refer to the SOF disagreements as a reason for ad hoc involvement. Suddenly there has been a ‘surge’ in reports of the ability of Iraqi forces to conduct challenging operations and manage strategic strongholds. The Associated Press reported in early July that “Iraqi security forces arrested three locally prominent supporters of radical Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr as part of a crackdown on Shiite militias in the southern city of Amarah”. In the same news report, the U.S. military spokesman Lt. Col. Neil Harper is reported to have said that “The government of Iraq and Iraqi security forces are determined to pursue all criminals and provide a secure and stable environment for the people of Iraq,". The US troop “surge” in Iraq is reported to have ended after the last of five additional combat brigades left the country in the last week of May 2008.
Admiral Michael Mullen, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, said that on his recent trip to Iraq the conditions had improved more than he had expected. This is what a news report states:
“In recent months…two significant improvements: Violence is down and the Iraqi forces are rapidly growing in size and ability.” The handing over of Qadisiyah, the centre of fierce Shiite resistance, to Iraqi forces in mid July was expected to support the assessment of the U.S. military in the region. Most recently the operations in Diyala, though conducted jointly with the U.S. forces are being referred to as the most convincing evidence of the qualitative improvement of the Iraqi forces. There are also reports that the threat from the Al-Qaeda in Iraq was receding.
Thus there is every reason for the U.S. to soon reconsider its degree and kind of involvement in Iraq. Since the liberals across the world were demanding the withdrawal of U.S. troops from Iraq, the move is expected to be greeted with cheers. But the concern is, has the security situation improved for the U.S. to withdraw? Is the U.S. leaving because the task is accomplished or because their preferences have changed? The U.S. withdrawal due to general disinterest coupled with political opportunism is a not a historical aberration, but follows a general pattern. Remember what happened after the defeat of Communist forces in Afghanistan during the 1980s?
Now consider the following:
Search on ‘violence in Iraq’ at McClatchy's site . The site carries a section on “The daily round-up of violence in Iraq” and would be the simplest way to comprehend how much has changed in terms of Iraq’s security situation. Just two days ago (July 28, 2008) three female suicide bombers killed at least 32 people and wounded 102 when they blew themselves up among Shiites walking through the streets of Baghdad on a religious pilgrimage. The incidents of violence in Iraq are still phenomenal but for the U.S. the ‘situation on the ground is changing.’
The U.S. can project whatever ‘on the ground situation’ that suits its pre-determined policies. Occupation or withdrawal is a matter of political convenience and barely related to real strategic concerns. The invasion proved that and so will the withdrawal of forces from Iraq.
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Madhavi Bhasin is a Doctoral Researcher at the Jadavpur University, India. Her research areas include conflict resolution, South Asia and Middle East. Currently based in California and working on Indo-U.S. Missile Defense Cooperation and India's Public Diplomacy Strategy.
Labels: Iraq
6 Comments:
At first glance, I missed the note that this was written by Ms. Bhasin, and I thought that it was Juan Cole who had become even more cynical than I am about the US government in suggesting that Maliki’s recent remarks were a setup by the Imperial Power.
But, on second thought, yes, Ms. Bhasin, you could be right.
I do think you also raise a broader issue: the real question is not if and when the US will withdraw from Iraq but rather when the US will change its view that it has the right to dictate anything it desires to anyone anywhere on this planet whenever the US wishes to do so. The US could quite obviously find it convenient one day to withdraw from Iraq but still continue to adhere to that underlying attitude and policy.
Of course, someday the rest of the world will compel the US to abandon that attitude, by violence if necessary. As an American, I sincerely hope that the US will come to change its policy through reason, not because of an ultimate military disaster.
I doubt that this US policy is fundamentally a result of the inner dynamics of capitalism, or of the secret schemes of a hidden plutocracy (or, for that matter, of a Zionist cabal or of secret multicultural world-governmentalists or whatever). It seems rather to be the all-too-human result of the arrogance of those who seek and achieve power and of the longstanding belief of the American people that we are an exceptional nation chosen by God to be different from ordinary peoples -- in short, the same human traits that drove the Romans, the British imperialists, and, I suppose, most imperial powers throughout history.
And, that makes me awfully pessimistic. If we are simply foolishly and naively following the same path trodden so many times in the past, is there really any hope that we can avoid the same fate that ultimately caught up with everyone else who chose the path of imperialism?
Professor Cole, I saw you on the News Hour the other day. I hope some day they will have you on and let you address this sort of larger question about the long-term direction of US policy.
Dave Miller in Sacramento
I am sorry to say that I found the op-ed too simplistic to be of any real value.
The "withdrawl" was planned by no other than Rumsfeld and Co. in the original plan. He estimated that the number of troops will be reduced to around 35,000 in July 2003! But that was not the end of the occupation, but the start of a permanent one. The USA does not want to spend $100B a year, but will be happy for a fraction of that, with indirect returns from the occupation to outstrip it. The American also have this weird idea that the Iraqis will be happy to be occupied as long as the US has a "small footprint".
The idea of the US having ontrol of events in Iraq "behind the scenes" is fanciful. Sistani told Maliki that any deal must have articles for the withdrawl of ALL troops, he had to say "yes sir" but has been trying to dilute that to satisfy the USA and the ever weakining Iraqi allies who keep him in power, for now.
The American do not need an elaborate excuse to withdraw, they can declare victory at any time they like, then leave, in a time honored fashion. Kissinger still says that the US won the Vietnam war!
The U.S. withdrawal due to general disinterest coupled with political opportunism is a not a historical aberration, but follows a general pattern.
Could it be that this is not so much a withdrawal as a redeployment to another 'hot spot' region? [for obvious reasons, nobody wants to link the two] Listening to Obama's rhetoric about focusing on Afghanistan and Pakistan makes me think a change in policy is in the making. Among other signs, there is this from a prominent 'realist' military blog:
This state of affairs--to include the Taliban/AQ sanctuary in FATA--has to be a major planning assumption in any strategy for Afghanistan as we go forward. And suggests that all right thinking people should adjust their mental file folders to read "Afg-Pak strategy." As if Afghanistan wasn't complicated enough on its own.
At least it summarizes easy:
Clark Kent: “When will the SuperCoalition troops be withdrawn from Iraq?”
SUPERMAN: “That will be determined by the situation on the ground and by Our assessment.”
Mlle. Ideologue (Lois Lane?): “No, it won’t. You can’t fool ME, Mister Super! You need not think that EVERYBODY in the world is as naïve and gullible as your dupe Kent!”
--
Should one start impertinently to analyse, it may seem odd, at first glance, that Dr. Bhasin should ideologise from distant India much the same way that K. Rove (or whatever Big Management Party bigwig) ideologized to Mr. Ron Suskind:
The aide said that guys like me were "in what we call the reality-based community," which he defined as people who "believe that solutions emerge from your judicious study of discernible reality." I nodded and murmured something about enlightenment principles and empiricism. He cut me off. "That's not the way the world really works anymore," he continued. "We're an empire now, and when we act, we create our own reality. And while you're studying that reality -- judiciously, as you will -- we'll act again, creating other new realities, which you can study too, and that's how things will sort out. We're history's actors . . . and you, all of you, will be left to just study what we do."
K. Rove may be havin’ some second thoughts about Imperial Reality Creation by now, but Dr. Bhasa stands by the I. R. C. analysis stoutly. Loyalty is always to be admired -- in the absence of positive counterindications, that is -- and in this case, admiration is increased by the fact that the exotic ideologue does not seem to share the AEI-GOP-DOD-USIP taste in created realities.
Though I think her mistaken, I nevertheless wish she had explained how she supposes the I. R. C. trick to be performed. Neocomrade Rove himself was vague and unsatisfactory on this point. "When we act, we create our own reality." Well, OK, stipulate for the moment that they really do -- one would still like to request at least a brief account of the mechanism involved. [*] Or an account of how the appearance is generated, should the I. R. C. artists concede that it is only stage magic and not genuine sorcery.
Though I don’t believe in the trick, I can appreciate the appeal of it: Imperial Supers are not under any compulsion or obligation to base themselves on the ground. Once they have thoroughly realized that they can float free in mid-air like a castle in Spain, they would be fools to do anything else: the view is almost infinitely better from up there. "On the ground" is in fact an absurdly overrated locality and has been ever since the Montgolfier brothers first [**] figured out what hot air is good for.
Happy days.
[*] Meanwhile Walter Mitty moans, "How come that never seems to happen when I act?"
[**] 8 Muharram 1197 / 14 December 1782.
Ms. Bhasin does not seem well informed about Iraq and Iraqis.
In early April, 2003, Rumsfeld and Franks gave orders to draw down to 30 K by the end of summer and 20 K soon thereafter.
The objective has always to draw down to at least 20 K, as soon as the ISF were ready to assume security responsibilities.
There "HAS" been a significant drop in violence. And there has been a significant improvement in the ISF. This is why there is a consensus between Maliki, Petraeus, McCain, Obama, and the IA/MoI leadership to draw down to 5 brigades by mid 2010.
Ms. Bhasin has little interest in the ISF. If she had any interest, she would ask questions about the ISF to those who know about the ISF.
Regarding violence inside Iraq
Ms. Bhasim, at the peak the violence in Iraq, there were 1200 to 2000 violent incidents per week. Today there are about 180 a week. This is still very high, but much lower than it once was.
Ms. Bhasim, it is very unwise to excessively criticize the competence and capability of the Iraqi Army in front of Iraqis. The Iraqi Army is by far the most popular and respected nationalist institution in Iraq. Please consider making your polemic points without insulting the ISF (by questioning their competence.)
A draw down of troops has been planned ever since the surge was proposed. No grand manipulation is required. That is not the point.
Is the US working to help build an Iraq it can leave, or is it working to build an Iraq it will never leave?
Maliki and Obama are on one side of this question, Bush and McCain on the other. That is a divide, not a conspiracy.
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