Informed Comment

Thoughts on the Middle East, History, and Religion

Juan Cole is President of the Global Americana Institute

Monday, January 26, 2009

Lyons: The Crusades are Over;
The West needs to Engage with the Muslims

Jonathan Lyons writes in a guest op-ed for IC:

With the change of administration in Washington, the time has come to acknowledge the so-called war on terrorism for what it truly is: the latest reminder of the West’s enduring failure to engage in any meaningful way with the world of Islam. For almost 1,000 years, attempts at understanding have been held hostage to a grand Western narrative that shapes what can – and, more importantly, what cannot – be said about Islam and Muslims. This same narrative, an anti-Islam discourse of enduring power, dominates every aspect of the way we think, and write, and speak about Islam. It shapes how we listen to what they say and interpret what it is they do. As such, it exercises a corrosive effect on everything from politics, the history of ideas, and theology to international relations, human rights, and national security policies. This has left the West both intellectually and politically unable to respond to some of the most significant challenges of the early 21st century – the global rise of Islamist political power, the more narrow emergence of terrorism in the name of Islam, tensions between established social values and multi-cultural rights on the part of growing Muslim immigrant populations, and so on.
Cont'd (click below or on "comments")

These failings have pushed the theoretical notion of a clash of world civilizations, advanced by Samuel Huntington back in 1993, toward self-fulfilling prophecy. In such an atmosphere it has been all too easy for the neoconservatives to sell the war on terrorism as essential to national security and to lead the West into its greatest confrontation with Islam since the Middle Ages. But the anti-Islam discourse does more than underpin the war on terrorism, the present wave of Islamophobia, or the broader cultural project advanced by proponents of a coming civilizational clash. Indeed, it has silently shaped 1,000 years of shared history – and seems destined to shape the future as well. Its powers explain a whole host of cultural, intellectual, and political attitudes without which the clash of civilizations thesis would be literally unthinkable.

Central to this narrative is a series of familiar ideas across the political arena, on the Internet, on talk radio, in the mainstream media, and, all too frequently, in academia. Such notions include: Islam is a religion of violence; its tenets are upheld by coercion or outright force; Islam’s prophet, its teachings, and even its God are false; Muslims are “medieval” and fearful of modernity; Muslims are sexually perverse – either lascivious polygamists, repressive misogynists, or both; and, finally, they are caught up in a jealous rage at the West’s failure to value them or their beliefs. Rarely are these core ideas of Islam subjected to any nuanced analysis. Rather, they are often asserted or simply left to operate quietly in the background. In a remark as apt today as when it was first advanced 900 years ago, the Crusades chronicler Guibert de Nogent noted that it was not important to know anything about Islam in order to attack it: “It is safe to speak evil of one whose malignity exceeds whatever ill can be spoken.”

As a result, the West’s “conversation” with Islam has always been a one-sided affair, a dialogue with itself. This has meant a fatal decoupling of the Western idea of Islam from its meaning and content as a vital religious, social, and cultural institution in its own right. Incompatible with Western interests or outside its conceptual understanding, the belief system of the Muslims has been set aside in favor of a denatured Islam that better first the established discourse.

To begin to address this phenomenon, we must peel back the layers of the Western narrative Islam and to uncover the wartime propaganda of the First Crusade that sits at its core. In fact, many of the same themes and images of Islam prevalent in the West today can be found in their original form. Before the 11th century CE, the Muslims were just another barbarian nuisance for much of Western Christendom, like the Vikings or the Magyars. The build-up to the First Crusade, called in 1095, changed all that forever; from then on, Muslims would be endowed with social, political, and religious qualities that were the mirror-opposite of Western ideals and values. Today, such assertions still echo: We love liberty, They hate freedom; We are rational, They are not; We are modern, They are medieval; We are good, They are evil.

The resultant distortions in public policies are clear to see. Less noticed are the underlying assumptions that serve to valorize these policies in the first place. Among the most potent is the idea that Islam and modernity are antithetical, a view supported by a Western history of science that has literally written the Muslims out of the textbooks. Yet, the arrival in Europe of Arab science and philosophy transmuted the backward West into a technological superpower. Like the elusive “elixir” – from the word al-iksir of the Arab alchemists – for changing base metal into gold, Muslim science altered medieval Christendom beyond recognition. For the first time in centuries, Europe’s eyes opened to the world around it. This encounter with Arab science even restored the art of telling time, lost to the Western Christians of the early Middle Ages. Without accurate control over clock and calendar, the rational organization of society was unthinkable. And so was the development of science, technology, and industry, as well as the liberation of man from the thrall of nature. Muslim science and philosophy helped rescue the Christian world from ignorance and made possible the very idea of the West.

Yet how many among us today would stop to acknowledge our enormous debt to the Arabs, let alone endeavor to repay it? How many would recognize their invaluable bequest of much of our modern technical lexicon: from azimuth to zenith, from algebra to zero? Or attest to more mundane Muslim influence in everything from foods we eat – apricots, oranges, and artichokes to name a few – to such common nautical terms as admiral, sloop, and monsoon? The names al-Khwarizmi, Avicenna, al-Idrisi, and Averroes – giants of Arab learning and dominant figures in medieval Europe for centuries – today invoke little if any response from the educated lay reader. Most are forgotten, little more than distant memories from a bygone era.

Yet these were just a few of the players in an extraordinary Arab scientific and philosophical tradition that lies hidden under centuries of Western ignorance and outright anti-Muslim prejudice. A recent public opinion survey found a majority of Americans see “little” or “nothing” to admire in Islam or the Muslim world. But turn back the pages of time and it is impossible to envision Western civilization without the fruits of Arab science: al-Khwarizmi’s art of algebra; the comprehensive medical teachings and philosophy of Avicenna; the lasting geography and cartography of al-Idrisi; or the rigorous rationalism of Averroes. Even more important than any individual work was the Arabs’ overall contribution that lies at the very heart of the contemporary West – the realization that science can grant man power over nature.

Our willful forgetting of the Arab legacy accelerated with the “Renaissance,” when the West increasingly looked for inspiration to an idealized notion of classical Greece. Eager to claim direct descent from the likes of Aristotle, Pythagoras, and Archimedes, Western thinkers deliberately marginalized the role of Arab learning. “I shall scarcely be persuaded that anything good can come from Arabia,” wrote Petrarch, the most prominent of the early humanists, in the fourteenth century. Western historians of science have largely carried on in this vein; many cast the Arabs as benign but effectively neutral caretakers of Greek knowledge who did little or nothing to advance the work of the Ancients. Such accounts are grounded in the persistent notion of the West’s “recovery” of classical learning, with the clear implication that this knowledge somehow comprised the natural birthright of Christian Europe and was merely misplaced during the Middle Ages. They are also colored profoundly by a Western consensus, often invoked to explain the state of the Muslim world today, that Islam is inherently hostile to innovation.

Unraveling the anti-Islam discourse allows us to identify an alternative narrative of relations between Islam and the West. This would take their undoubted rivalries and opposing interests out of the accepted framework of East versus West and place them within a common cultural arena. The prevailing discourse, however, is so powerful and authoritative that such an appeal has failed to make any serious inroads into Western thought. The result is an unnatural, and clearly unhelpful, separation of two rich and powerful cultural traditions that share far more than we are generally prepared to accept. This, in turn, perverts Western understanding of the Muslim world and its culture and all but guarantees that any attempt at east-West communication will result in what the Turks call “a dialogue of the deaf.”

Still, I would like to conclude by proposing just such an alternate reading, one that shifts the problem from the traditional view of inter-cultural rivalry to one of intra-cultural contest. Rather than delimit a boundary between East and West, it would then be possible to assign one large “interactive” cultural space, from the Indian sub-continent in the East to the Canary Islands, the traditional westernmost point of the medieval world. In effect, this would mark a return to the view of the world captured in one of the most remarkable landmarks in the history of ideas: the atlas produced by the Muslim scholar al-Idrisi in the mid-12th century by commission of the Christian king of Sicily which was then multi-faith – Muslim, Christian, and Orthodox.

We are then faced with a compelling, new history of Islam and the West – one of continuous interaction between two cultures locked in relations for 1,000 years – in which it is hard to say where one stops and the other begins. Might this not require a radical rephrasing of the West’s favorite polemical question – “What’s wrong with Islam?” – to a less comfortable query, “What’s wrong with us?”

Jonathan Lyons is author of The House of Wisdom: How the Arabs Transformed Western Civilization, just released by Bloomsbury Press. A former Reuters correspondent and editor, he is completing his PhD in sociology of religion at Monash University, in Melbourne, Australia, and teaching at George Mason University, in Fairfax, Va. Details of the book, including an image gallery and notes on the leading figures, can be found here.


It is available at your local bookstore, or through Amazon.com


19 Comments:

At 12:45 AM, Anonymous Anonymous said...

Amazing 60 Minutes video on Israel/Palestine (Bob Simon):

CBS News Link

 
At 1:00 AM, Anonymous Anonymous said...

Nice points about the contributions of Islam to science, but still manages not to say a word about imperialism, which better explains "the global rise of Islamist political power, the more narrow emergence of terrorism in the name of Islam", etc., when account is taken of the systemmatic destruction by the Western colonial powers of any sort of secular Arab nationalism. If we are going to talk about "what's wrong with us", let's start there.

 
At 2:12 AM, Blogger karlof1 said...

"... the global rise of Islamist political power, the more narrow emergence of terrorism in the name of Islam,..."

Then, as an historian, I could say: Toward the end of the 15th century, the world witnessed the sudden rise of Christian political power and the emergence of Christian terrorism that would attempt to rule the planet over the next 500+ years, while reaching extreme heights of unequaled barbarity. And I would be 100% correct. (Given what's published in English about Islam, I wonder if the bloody and tyranical history of Christianity, especially that of the past 500+ years, gets similar treatment in muslim native languages. Not being multilingual in the proper languages makes this a difficult question to answer, although I'm fairly certain that if such writings did exist they certainly would be exploited for propaganda purposes.)

"As a result, the West’s 'conversation' with Islam has always been a one-sided affair, a dialogue with itself." In other words, the Christian West assumes the Other is as diabolical and evil as itself--It's mirror twin--that very side of itself Sir Thomas More tried to illustrate in his Utopia. This idea he readilly admits: "Muslims would be endowed with social, political, and religious qualities that were the mirror-opposite of Western ideals and values."

"Yet, the arrival in Europe of Arab science and philosophy transmuted the backward West into a technological superpower." Now, just who are the barbarians in this essay [emphasis mine]?

"This, in turn, perverts Western understanding of the Muslim world and its culture and all but guarantees that any attempt at east-West communication will result in what the Turks call 'a dialogue of the deaf.'" if the dialogue is to turn into a discourse, then East must be capitalized like West, or both remanded to lower case. (He uses Capitals for both later.)

Lyons reminds me of attempting to bridge a similar gap that Martin Bernal tried with his Black Athena volumes, which were very revealing. My In Box is so full I might as well add Lyons's work as his premise is promising. Teacher Ed courses provide a lot of substance for being multicultural without having to know anything about the multiple cultures you're supposed to be including in multiculturalism, a fact that I as a history and social sciences major found very odd. One hopes that a work like Lyons's will find a wider audience and academic usage.

 
At 2:32 AM, Blogger The Turbulent World of Middle East Soccer said...

If there is one issue beyond the Israeli Palestinian conflict that has damaged US credibility, and to a lesser degree that of the European Union, in the Middle East, it is their failure to stand by their principles of democracy and human rights when it comes to the Arab and Muslim world. Examples of the inherent contradictions of US and EU policy are multiple and glaring: rejection of free and fair elections when the outcome is not to the West's liking such as Hamas' victory in 2006 and the electoral success of the Islamic Salvation Front in Algeria in 1991, continued support for autocratic Arab regimes in the Middle East and a disregard for human rights in the war on terror.

In his very first days in office, President Barack Obama has signaled his sincerity in seeking to restore US credibility and return it to its adherence to values of respect for human rights and the pursuit of democracy. His executive orders to close the Guantanamo Bay prison camp and ban torture of suspected terrorists as well as his shift in tone although not in substance on Israel and the Palestinians create expectations. While the Middle East has heard this before from Washington and seen no shift in policy either towards the Palestinians or political reform in the Arab world, tangible changes of US policy, if pursued, are likely to be gradual. Given the fragile balance in the Middle East, policy change resembles an oil tanker seeking to change course.

Public opinion in the Middle East recoils from the unqualified support the Bush administration granted Israel in its war on Hamas and the impotence of the international community and Arab governments in seeking to impose a halt to the carnage. Hamas enjoys a groundswell of support from ordinary Arabs and Islamist opposition to Arab governments is riding high on the predicament of their governments. Fear that change would undermine Arab government support for US policy in the region has repeatedly in the past defeated past lofty US promises to nurture democracy in the Middle East. So has concern that change could produce governments more in tune with their people but less attentive to US needs. The Obama administration has yet to prove that it is able and willing to chart a course key to restoring US credibility and true to Obama's declared ambition in what constitutes a treacherous minefield. Inevitably, this would involve engagement with the region's Islamists, something the US and Europe has been reluctant to do even though it has done so on various occasions. To do so, the United States and Europe will have to balance their long-term objective of political reform with short-term geo-strategic goals such as Middle East peace, continued access to the region's energy resources and a coming to grips with Iranian regional ambition.

In a report entitled 'Europe, The United States and Middle Eastern Democracy: Repairing the Breach,' published by the Brookings Institution's Saban Center for Middle East Policy, Tamara Coffman Wittes and Richard Youngs, argue that to achieve both short and long term goals, the United States and Europe need to adopt a common approach. In a series of recommendations, they suggest:

1) Establishment of a high-level transatlantic forum to coordinate policies in the Middle East similar to the U.S.-E.U. strategic dialogue on Asia established in 2005.
2) The United States and Europe should leave Arab leaders in no doubt of the West’s continued interest in and attention to democratic growth and human rights improvements in the Middle East, in part through joint statements
3) Europe and the United States should agree on common criteria on rewards and positive conditionality as incentives for reform
4) The allies should uphold the principle that local civil society can seek and accept foreign assistance and make US and European support of Arab civil society non-negotiable
5) The United States and Europe should engage with non-violent Islamist organization, make clear that their defense of peaceful political activism is not selective, and exert pressure on regimes that crack down on such organizations or seek to prevent them from meeting with Western donors
6) US and European government funders should engage in sustained and regular dialogue on funding strategies for democratic development in specific states
7) The United States and Europe should stress that democratic development in the Middle East is a common interest shared with the peoples of the region, not a means to other ends.

For too long, the United States and Europe paid lip service to reform in the Middle East, but feared that commitment to a reform policy could endanger energy supplies, nurture the emergence of forces less inclined to embrace the compromise needed for a two-state solution of the Israeli Palestinian conflict and embolden militant forces. Failure to insist on reform has produced regimes that increasingly lack credibility and opposition groups opposed to the West in part because the West failed to stand against repression and violation of human rights and refused to engage with them.

Lack of Western commitment to reform is stifling indigenous attempts at a more modern interpretation of Islam that challenges the views of the Islamists. Arab regimes, seeking to neutralize the appeal of the Islamists, often close ranks with conservative religious forces opposed to more liberal approaches to Islam, such as the Koranists, an Islamic reformation movement that focuses exclusively on the Koran and opposes implementation of Sharia law.

"For nearly a decade, as (the Koranists have) gained momentum, they have come under increased attack from the Egyptian government for their religious ideas. Al Azhar University, which is based in Cairo and is the leading center for conservative Sunni learning in the world, has rejected the views of the Koranists and has sought to systematically dismantle the movement. To curry favor with this influential religious establishment, the Egyptian government has brutally cracked down on members of the Koranist movement, leading to the imprisonment and torture of over 20 members and the exile of many more," says Ahmed Subhy Mansour, president of Washington's International Quranic Society.

Progress in seeking a modus vivendi for long-term Israeli Palestinian coexistence would ease Western efforts to nudge Arab governments towards democratic reform. Palestine constitutes a double-edged sword for Arab rulers. For too long, it served as a lightening rod that distracted attention from problems at home. Increasingly, Arab inability to further a peace agenda that incorporates Palestinian aspirations and impotence to force a halt to the latest war is fueling support for Islamist opposition groups. A coordinated US and European peace effort would allow the allies to help regimes embark on reform.

 
At 10:20 AM, Anonymous Anonymous said...

To be sure, we owe much to the Muslim world encountered by the early Crusaders. Arab science was indeed great - once. But it has been many centuries since then.
It reminds me of the China that bestrode the world in the mid-1200s only to pull back in isolation, and when it looked again in the 1800s the world had passed it by. Things rarely stand still.

Mr Cole glosses over that the Arabs who preserved such learning and then added to it were also not the fanatics and fundamentalists that now impose themselves not only on our view of Islam but widen the gulf between us and the great majority on the other side. It took their response to the Crusades to generate a myopia and fanaticism which mirrored our own.

Mr Cole seems amazed that a post-Reformation, post-Renaissance world can look at those who have yet to face such a challenge and consider them mired in medievalism, yet is that not precisely accurate?

If Europe has had a habit of willful bigotry, they have at least met us halfway and it is intellectually dishonest not to acknowledge that. Just because Europeans think something doesn't mean there isn't a reason or even some truth in it.

 
At 11:01 AM, Anonymous Anonymous said...

It’s true that a lot of scientific gains were made by Muslims which were then transferred to the west and by which the west benefitted by but it should be noted that in turn a lot of scientific knowledge was transferred from the byzantine west to the Muslims in the 7th and 8th centuries, which also benefited Islam, neither side basically started from scratch all civilizations owe something to their predecessors

 
At 11:38 AM, Anonymous Anonymous said...

While the West has failed to engage with Islam; Islam has likewise failed to engage the West.

It takes two to tango, and unless Islam is willing to play a mature and productive role, then dialog would be a waste of time.

The same of course is also true for Israel.

 
At 12:09 PM, Anonymous Anonymous said...

"Before the 11th century CE, the Muslims were just another barbarian nuisance for much of Western Christendom, like the Vikings or the Magyars."

No, before the 11th century CE, and even into the Enlightenment, Islam was an existential threat to Christendom, what with its conquest of lands like the Levant, North Africa, Sicily and Spain that had been Christian for centuries beforehand. The Battle of Tours was not ancient history for most Europeans, and personages like Charles Martel, Vlad Dracula and John Sobieski are still upheld as great defenders of Christendom against Islamic aggression.

As a lapsed Catholic and avowed secularist I am hardly one to defend Christianity for its sins, but to continually castigate Christendom for its attempts to reclaim its historic lands while ignoring the aggressive Muslim conquest of those lands in the first place is intellectually dishonest. The Crusades were no different from the acts of imperialist aggression Europeans had engaged in or, more commonly, been victimized by, of the previous two thousand years. The only outstanding feature of the Crusades vis-a-vis previous imperialist ventures in the region is the spectacular failure they were.

 
At 12:25 PM, Anonymous Anonymous said...

It needs to be said, that even though we in the West see Islam as barbaric, and yes Islam has given us a lot of important knowledge, the Arab "Mid East' has not created a similar knowledge cache in recent memory.

Have the "arab elite" launched a man to the moon? Have they made advances in stem cell research? Have they made attempts to search the depths of our oceans?

While most of the above argument is "historical" since we have been living together for over 500 years, what else has come from the Arab world?

I see lots of fighting, lots of tyranical laws, lots of despair, and not a lot of communication. Most issues are sent down from above, and many issues are reverted back to 1200 CE rules of life.

So what can we say about working together when we can't even speak about the future?

A muslim cleric who has a different point of view is chastised and exiled, yet the most radical of clerics are allowed to keep speaking. Something seems wrong with the essay if there is no acknowledgement of the internal violence that has plagued the Mid East for so long.

This violence can not be the result of the crusades, where the effect is the cause, why did the crusades attack the Mid East, because violence upon other groups was becoming rampant. Sure the Christians were becoming more entrenched, but I don't believe that the first coverts of Christianity were all about blowing up their neighbors.

I may be simple, but I have not seen any new advancements from this part of the world in the recent century. If the Arab elite are so well natured, then why is it that the general form of democracy (as proposed by the ancient Greeks) has not taken hold?

Could it be that absolute power corrupts absolutely?

Show me a transfer of power in the Mid East (or the rest of the world) that did not include a revolution? And even one that obtained that power, only to give it up a few years later?

In the land of Monarchs, citizenship don't mean a thing.

 
At 1:19 PM, Blogger karlof1 said...

The Brookings Institute's paper is a prime example of the West having a "one-sided" conversation with itself and differs little from the interventions since the Crusades. Somehow, people don't seem to understand that other peoples have the right to form their own systems of governance and economics based upon their internal cultures, with such arrogance predicated on the mistaken idea that only the West has received the One, True, Truth, which is based on magic and superstition easily overturned through factual inquiry. Until the world rids itself of adherence to the Abrahamic Religious Mythos, conflict will continue as the West will continue to insist on some version of Divine Right that allows it to dictate to the rest of the planet, ignoring that Divine Right was overthrown by its own philosophers several hundred years ago.

 
At 2:41 PM, Anonymous Anonymous said...

karlof1 asks: "I wonder if the bloody and tyranical history of Christianity, especially that of the past 500+ years, gets similar treatment in muslim native languages."

The Muslim "world" is very large and diverse with a great many languages. Moreover, the impact of European imperialism varied greatly.

The Middle East was not colonized until the fall of the Ottoman Empire in 1917 for example. The Muslims of Pakistan and Bangaldesh were part of the Indian population under British rule, and suffered equally.

In general, US hegemony is seen as a continuation of that imperialism with Britain as an integral part. The Soviets exploited that during most of the last century to get a foothold of their own.

So, western imperialism is seen as an existential threat now, as much as it has been for centuries. But a minority, particularly those connected to the US and its allies, claim that they are equal partners in the globalized world.

The confrontation also strengthens religious fervor, seeking God's power to assist the down-trodden. In this sense, Chritianity today is simply the extension of the Crusaders and must be opposed, even if reformed, at all costs.

 
At 6:05 PM, Anonymous Anonymous said...

Bravo! Let's hope this begins a new dialogue that is much better balanced about the contribution of Islam to civilization.

 
At 7:42 PM, Anonymous Anonymous said...

As a moderate muslim awash in the difficult rhetoric of all sides, this is a tremendous service you have done by publishing this opinion. We muslims are neither barbarians, nor are we suicidal misogynists. Those of us who subscribe to the history of scholarly Islam, and its importance in understanding the religion, are often flummoxed at the wealth of ignorant dogma that flows, whether from the "membar" or the "pulpit". In reading works such as the "Distinguished Jurist" by Ibn Rushd, the clear and concise reasoning, coupled with humane philosophical underpinnings, bears no resemblance to the spittle-fueled rantings of the current crop of wahabi-based extremists. We Muslims have done a terrible disservice to ourselves and to others, by allowing the dauphins of the Arabian monarchy to dictate what constitutes "Islamic" or "muslim" theology. The glorious history of Islam in the West is no less distinguished by the fact that it consists of some acts that may now be considered the antithesis to the freedoms we now hold dear. Which civilization has not been oppressive, at some point or another in the last several thousand years? Humanity is comprehensively culpable for its past inhumanity.

Thank-you for your usual sane, sober, commonsensical approach to a relationship issue that may now be finally a bit closer to being solved.

Scheherazade Khan

 
At 9:24 PM, Blogger ChuckT said...

Let's all thank 60 Minutes and CBS. I couldn't believe that the piece last night got on the air. First kinda poor Arab stroy I have ever seen on national TV. Juan, what is going on? Must have been a mistake.

 
At 9:32 PM, Blogger ChuckT said...

Sorry,in aBOVE, I meant "pro" Arab not ""poor".

 
At 5:32 PM, Blogger Jonathan Lyons said...

As the author of the original post, I'd like to thank those who took the time to read it, and especially those who posted their comments.

let me address one of the topics raised, namely my contention that before the run-up to the Crusades, Western Christendom's view of the Arab Muslims was not much different from its views of the Vikings or Magyars.

Perhaps I did not express my thought clearly. My point was that these Muslim raiders, pirates, etc were seen as another barbarian nuisance to be repelled. There was no particular ideological content to the Western "idea" of the Muslims. This changed forever in the 11th century, and is with us still today.

And a related note: the event known as the Battle of Tours has to rank among the most hyped "turning points" in the West's narrative of itself. Some have blamed Gibbons, who apparently liked to tease the dons of Oxford that they would all be teaching Arabic, instead of Latin, but for good King Charles Martel.

On the Arab side of the coin, this was simply a raiding party. There were plenty of good reasons for the Arabs to call a halt at the time to their expansion into France. That they never resumed that particular line of attack does not, however, make Charles the savior of Christendom.

 
At 8:47 PM, Anonymous Anonymous said...

Im loving the anonymous anti-islamic poster who is posting many messages and pretending to be different people.

Do better next time, at least leave some time between your posts.

This article is good, hopefully a sign of things to come.

 
At 1:55 PM, Anonymous John.d said...

Fjordman has commented on Mr Lyons book

http://gatesofvienna.blogspot.com/2009/03/house-of-wisdom-by-jonathan-lyons-brief.html

 
At 1:40 AM, Anonymous Jenny said...

What a refreshing article! As an American of Irish, Finnish and German ancestry who has converted to Islam — I am Western, but with a sometimes distinctly 'Eastern' way of knowing and thinking. ;)

The only thing I missed was a record of what Muslim and Western civilizations owe to the Turks, particularly the Ottomans.

Thanks again for a great read!

 

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