Informed Comment

Thoughts on the Middle East, History, and Religion

Juan Cole is President of the Global Americana Institute

Tuesday, November 22, 2005

Guest Editorial on Murtha: Achcar & Shalom

"On John Murtha's Position"

by Gilbert Achcar and Stephen R. Shalom


There is much of which to approve in the recent speech of Rep. John P. Murtha, Democrat of Pennsylvania, on Iraq. The hawkish Murtha had been critical of the Bush administration's handling of the war for some time, but until now his solution had been to call for more troops. On November 17, however, he recognized courageously that U.S. troops "can not accomplish anything further in Iraq militarily. IT IS TIME TO BRING THEM HOME."

Murtha pointed out, as the anti-war movement has been pointing out all along, that the U.S. troops in Iraq, rather than adding to stability, "have become a catalyst for violence." He referred to the acknowledgement made by General George W. Casey, commander of the "multinational force" in Iraq, during a hearing before the Armed Services Committee of the U.S. Senate in September 2005, that the presence of "the coalition forces as an occupying force" is "one of the elements that fuels the insurgency."

Murtha pointed out that a recent poll indicated that 80% of Iraqis want the U.S. out. This poll, a secret British defense ministry survey conducted in August 2005, is consistent with earlier polls and several facts: the fact that most slates in the January 2005 election -- including the United Iraqi Alliance (UIA), which won the election -- had in their platform the demand for a timetable for the withdrawal of occupation forces from Iraq; a U.S. military poll in February that found only 23% of urban residents supported the presence of coalition troops, compared to 71% opposed; the statement of 126 members of the Iraqi National Assembly, including a majority of the 140 MPs of the majority UIA, demanding "the departure of the occupation force"; and the request made repeatedly by the National Sovereignty Committee of the Iraq National Assembly for a withdrawal timetable for "occupation troops."

There is no guarantee of what would happen in the event of a U.S. withdrawal, but Murtha noted -- as the anti-war movement has argued since the beginning of the occupation -- that the U.S. presence makes an agreement between contending Iraqi forces and the peaceful unfolding of the political process more difficult. For example, the Association of Muslim Scholars, the most prominent Sunni organization with ties to the armed resistance, has repeatedly declared that it would call for a cessation of all armed action if the U.S. and its allies set a timetable for their withdrawal.

Murtha has submitted a resolution to the House calling for the redeployment of U.S. troops from Iraq. That Murtha, a decorated Vietnam combat veteran and one of the most prominent boosters of the military in the Congress, has had it with the war is a telling sign of how badly things are going for the warmongers, and the more representatives who join the 13 co-sponsors of his resolution, the better. Furthermore, one has to sympathize with Murtha, of course, for the abuse that has been heaped upon him by the Bush administration and rightwing ideologues in Congress and the media.

Nevertheless, the anti-war movement needs to be careful not to confuse Murtha's position with its own.

When Murtha says "redeploy" -- instead of withdraw -- the troops from Iraq, he makes clear that -- despite his rhetoric -- he doesn't want to really bring them home, but to station them in the Middle East. As he told Anderson Cooper of CNN:

"We ... have united the Iraqis against us. And so I'm convinced, once we redeploy to Kuwait or to the surrounding area, that it will be much safer. They won't be able to unify against the United States. And then, if we have to go back in, we can go back in."

Moreover, Murtha's resolution calls for the U.S. to create "a quick-reaction U.S. force and an over-the-horizon presence of U.S. Marines" to be "deployed to the region."

We strongly disagree. The anti-war movement cannot endorse U.S. military intervention in the Middle East, whether over or under the horizon. We don't want U.S. troops remaining in the region and poised to go back into Iraq. They don't belong there, period. Some -- though not Murtha -- suggest keeping U.S. bases within Iraq, close to the oil fields or in Kurdistan, in order to intervene more or less on the pattern of what U.S. forces are doing in Afghanistan. But this is a recipe for disaster, since the Iraqi view that the United States intends a permanent occupation is one of the main causes inciting the insurgency.

Moreover, stationing U.S. forces in Kurdistan could only deepen the already dangerous ethnic animosities among Iraqis. In any event, if U.S. troops continue to be used in Iraq -- whether deployed from bases inside the country or from outside -- they will inevitably continue to cause civilian casualties, further provoking violence. Having a U.S. interventionary force stationed in Kuwait or in a similar location will continue to inflame the opposition of Iraqis who will know their sovereignty is still subject to U.S. control. As for the impact of keeping U.S. forces anywhere else in the larger region, it should be recalled that their presence was the decisive factor leading to 9-11 and fuels "global terrorism" in the same way that the U.S. military presence in Iraq "fuels the insurgency" there.

Murtha, we need to keep in mind, is not opposed to U.S. imperial designs or U.S. militarism. He criticizes the Bush administration because its Iraq policies have led to cuts in the (non-Iraq) defense budget, threatening the U.S. ability to maintain "military dominance."

Murtha's resolution calls for redeploying U.S. troops from Iraq "at the earliest practicable date" -- which is reasonable only if it means that the withdrawal should be started immediately and completed shortly after the December elections, with the exact details to be worked out with the elected Iraqi government. In his press conference, however, Murtha estimated it would take six months to carry out the "redeployment," which seems far longer than the "earliest practicable date." (Recall that U.S. troops were withdrawn from Vietnam in 90 days from the signing of the Paris Peace Treaty.) To set such a long time period for the evacuation of Iraq is all the more worrying given that the decision to withdraw the troops is not even being considered yet by the Bush administration or the bipartisan majority of the U.S. Congress.

Congressional Republicans, in a transparent ploy, offered a one-sentence resolution stating that the deployment of U.S. troops in Iraq be terminated immediately. Murtha called this "a ridiculous resolution" that no Democrat would support (Hardball with Chris Matthews, Nov. 18). In point of fact, the resolution was opposed by all of the pro-war Democrats and most of the anti-war Democrats, who (as the Republicans hoped) didn't want to be accused of "cutting and running." But actually the resolution wasn't ridiculous at all understood in the sense we have just explained.

The anti-war movement should and no doubt will relentlessly continue its fight for the immediate, total, and unconditional withdrawal of U.S. troops and their allies from Iraq and the whole region. Its central slogan "Troops Out Now" is more warranted each day and will keep gaining in urgency until victory over the warmongers is achieved.


Gilbert Achcar is the author of The Clash of Barbarisms and Eastern Cauldron, both published by Monthly Review Press. Stephen R. Shalom is the author of Imperial Alibis (South End Press) and Which Side Are You On? An Introduction to Politics (Longman).

6 Comments:

At 2:36 AM, Blogger Swan said...

I suppose there will be violence in Iraq whether we're there or not. We've done a lot to offend people there, and that bell can't be unrung. Maybe if we were gone, the violence would be less.

 
At 8:39 AM, Anonymous Anonymous said...

[Note to moderator: I sent this to Prof Cole a couple of days ago. Then I tried to post it, but can't find that it was used.]

Congressman John Murtha's speech and resolution to bring our troops out of Iraq over the next six months have provoked much comment and interest. A month ago, I would not have agreed. The war was clearly not going well, but would getting out make matters worse? I didn't know and had no basis to decide.
Then I read Anthony Shadid's Night Draws Near; Iraq's People in the Shadow of America's War. Shadid is a reporter for the Washington Post who speaks Arabic fluently, unlike most Americans there and has spent a great deal of time in Iraq talking to a great many Iraqis in all walks of life, at considerable personal risk. The book has an impact that the best daily reporting we read in newspapers cannot duplicate—it cumulates until one can no longer discount it as being only a partial view or as just one man's experience.
He reports that many Iraqis were very hopeful at the beginning, because Saddam was overthrown. But they increasingly ask where is the promised freedom. They ask why there was no curfew in the beginning, when the wholesale looting took place. They ask why there is no security or economic improvement or reconstruction—where is the water, the sewage services, the electricity and the jobs.
The really ominous development is the conclusion that the promised liberation has become occupation and that Iraqis seem to be largely united in wanting us out.
We no longer control the country, if we ever did. The promise of a secular democracy has dissolved in the face of sectarian violence, the formation of sectarian militias at least as well armed as the Iraqi army, and access to unlimited replacement munitions.
Shadid has done an extraordinary job in getting to know many Iraqis and in eliciting their reactions to what has been going on since before the war began. He is careful to try to elicit positive comments and to present a balanced picture. No one else of whom I am aware has been able to do that. Without that kind of evidence, it would have taken me much longer to conclude it is time for us to leave and I would have remained uncertain even then. I suspect that is true of many others as well.
I have written my two Republican senators and my Democrat congressman to this effect. I concluded with the cliché, “When you are in a hole, you can't get out by continuing to dig.” Read the book, reach your own conclusions, and let your congressmen know.

 
At 11:18 AM, Anonymous Anonymous said...

It would seem undeniable that the American occupation is the catalyst for continuing violence. Arguably, our presence permits a Sunni insurgency while inhibiting outright retaliation by Shiites and Kurds against the Sunnis, i.e. civil war. We know there will not be an immediate withdrawal of troops, on a 90-day or 6-month timeframe for that matter. Foreign troops remain in the Balkans (in a misguided policy that is held up as a benchmark of success by liberal internationalists). To that extent, the "bring the troops home" mantra, with which I largely agree, serves the purpose of pressuring the war-hawks and galvanizing a general consensus in favor of withdrawal in at least a reasonably foreseeable timeframe. It's a useful exercise to achieve that.

That said, I wonder just where this "antiwar movement" is. What I've seen is not any sort of "antiwar" movement, as many of its adherents are quite thirsty for blood so long as it is Serbian (in the earlier and illegal Kosovo war), or, for example, Sudanese, where the liberal sabre-rattlers next want a "humanitarian intervention", seemingly having forgotten their debacle in Somalia. No, the "antiwar movement" that I've seen is nothing more than an orgy of egotism and ideological oddities, unwilling to abandon, for example, the "Free Mumia" position in order to create a truly broad-based coalition along the lines of the most successful antiwar movement (the much-slandered and maligned) American First movement that run the gamut from Norman Thomas to the publisher of the Chicago Tribune. The left has neither acknowledged nor sought alliance with the considerable, and I would add, largely more thoughtful, less incendiary, and less partisan, antiwar critics of the Right (which even included Jack Kemp, that faded neocon star).

Introspection is a rare commodity, one I don't claim to own. But assuredly, the "antiwar movement" will take no responsibility for its failure (yes, failure) to stop a needless, misguided and unconstitutional war. It will make no attempt to study why it failed, seeking instead to blame "lies", "stove-piped intelligence", etc., rather than its own failings. That myopia, demanded by the peculiar self-righteousness and moral arrogance of the left, will mean that we will see yet more wars. The only difference will be the branding ("humanitarian interventions") and the perpetrators.

 
At 12:04 PM, Anonymous Anonymous said...

When Juan gets around to approving it, see the link to the Trainor/Odom colloquy on last night's edition of NewsHour , linked in the following IC post re: Iraqi Withdrawal agreement in Cairo

 
At 12:56 PM, Blogger Rez Dog said...

The US should certainly take the opportunity offered by the AMS for a ceasefire in return for an withdrawal timetable. If nothing else, keeping US forces from alienating more Iraqis by destroying their cities, kicking in their front doors and rifling through their bedrooms would be a step in the right direction.

 
At 1:43 PM, Anonymous Anonymous said...

>When Murtha says "redeploy" -- instead of withdraw -- the troops from Iraq, he makes clear that -- despite his rhetoric -- he doesn't want to really bring them home,

So people are aware, "redeploy" is a military term of art that means any change in a force's disposition. It specifically does include withdrawal to home base.

Sean

 

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